Sunday, 5 July 2020

Rashi: Insights into his Life and Works, Part I

From RRW
Guest Blogger: Mitchell First

                                   Rashi: Insights Into His Life and Works, Part I
        The scholar Avraham Grossman, who was a professor of Jewish History at Hebrew University for many years, came out with an important book on Rashi in 2006. It was translated into English in 2012 with the simple title “Rashi.”  I would like to share some of the things I learned from it.
        1.   As to the name “Rashi,” Grossman suggests that it may have originally been applied to him by his students as an abbreviation of “Rabbeinu She-Yichyeh” (=”our Rabbi, may he live”). Only later did it come to be understood as an abbreviation for “Rabbi Shlomo Yitzchaki” (=son of Yitzchak).
        2.  Rashi (1041-1105) was born and died in Troyes, a city in northern France. He lived most of his life there, except that at about age 18, he went to the yeshiva in Mainz and later switched to the yeshiva in Worms. Without his approximately ten years of study in Germany, and the traditions and manuscripts he saw there, he could never have written the works that he did.  Grossman write that “he returned to Troyes as a mature scholar and began to engage in literary production and community activity,” and “assumed a central position in the leadership of the small Troyes community.” Many of Rashi’s comments on the Talmud are derived from his teachers at the German yeshivas. This is true to a lesser extent of his biblical interpretations.
             We know very little about Rashi’s father and mother and wife. (At least, with respect to his father, we know his name!)
              Rashi had three daughters. Yocheved married Rabbi Meir ben Samuel, and they had four sons, including Rashbam and Rabbeinu Tam. Miriam married Rabbi Judah ben Nathan (Rivan). Rachel married a Rabbi Eliezer of whom nothing else is known and they divorced after a brief period. There was perhaps a fourth daughter who died in childhood
                In Germany and France, Sages were not paid for teaching in yeshivas. So how did Rashi earn a living?  Various scholars maintained that Rashi made his living from the wine business. But Haym Soloveitchik disagreed, arguing that the agricultural conditions where Rashi lived were not suited to growing grapes. Grossman agrees with Soloveitchik. Grossman concludes that Rashi earned his living in commerce with non-Jews, as did most Jews in France and Germany.
                Rashi is famous for a wine leniency he gave. Rashi held that non-Jews in his time were not well-versed in the nature of idolatry. Therefore they should be considered like new-born infants whose touch does not make wine into “yayin nesekh.” Accordingly, he permitted drinking wine that had been touched by non-Jews. This view was contrary to the ruling of his teachers and colleagues in Germany. Rashi’s leniency made it much easier for Jews in his area to acquire wine from elsewhere, as it facilitated the shipping by non-Jews. (This leniency was very helpful because travel on the roads outside the cities was dangerous.)
           3. The comments that appear in the name of Rashi in the books of Ezra, Nechemiah, Chronicles, and the end of Job (starting with 40:25) are not his.
            4. Regarding the text of Rashi’s Torah commentary, there are dozens of manuscripts and early printed copies. This makes the task of ascertaining the original text a very difficult one. An important attempt was made by the scholar Abraham Berliner. He published a critical edition in 1866 based on more than one hundred manuscripts and numerous printed editions.
              The earliest manuscripts that we have are from the second quarter of the 13th century. This is over 100 years after Rashi’s death. Sages and teachers who worked with Rashi’s Torah commentary often made marginal notes, and what was originally in the margins was placed by later copyists into the text.  Grossman thinks that about 10% of what we have today is not from Rashi himself.
             Also, Rashi himself made changes in his commentary, so multiple versions already existed in his lifetime.
          5. Rashi rarely cited the Jerusalem Talmud.  It seems that Rashi had only selections of the Jerusalem Talmud available to him. Rashi never cites R. Hananel’s commentary on the Talmud, but it is possible that, late in life, he heard some of its ideas and used them.
           6. Rashi’s biblical commentaries were widely respected in Germany and France already in Rashi’s lifetime. But I cannot resist quoting a different view by Ibn Ezra, whose roots are in Spain: “He thinks he is on the path of peshat, but in his books only one of a thousand comments is peshat; yet the Sages of our generation glory in these books.” (This statement is found in the introduction to the Safah Berurah. Ibn Ezra is obviously exaggerating in his criticism.)
             Rambam (1138-1204, Spain and Egypt) never explicitly refers to Rashi’s commentaries. But Grossman adds that “he may well have been influenced by them.” (Unfortunately, Grossman does not explain further.)    
          7. Eventually we are all taught that what motivated Rashi to make a comment in his biblical commentaries was that he saw a question. I think I was first taught this late in elementary school.  At the time we all used those blue linear translations of Rashi into English. I don’t think this work ever mentioned this idea! It just translated, giving us the misleading impression that Rashi was just writing without a question. (Ok, I should not criticize them. It was probably hard enough to do an accurate linear translation into English, without getting into any analysis. That could be left to the next generation  of works of Rashi in English, which has amply fulfilled this task.)
             Grossman points out that many times Rashi saw a question where most would see no question. For example, when the Torah mentions names of people or places, Rashi would often make a comment because he tried to explain the additional message in the names. See, e.g., his comments on Gen. 38:5 to the place name Cheziv. But did place names and names of individuals really warrant a comment? Cannot the Torah mention a place name or the name of a person without it having an underlying message? Grossman writes that Rashi saw significance in every detail mentioned in the Torah.
           Conversely, Grossman observes that there are many kinds of questions that Rashi fails to ask. For example, regarding the Akeidah, Rashi explains the verses, but does not ask all of the philosophical questions that arise. E.g., did God not know Abraham’s thoughts and the profundity of his faith even without the test? Why does God test individuals in general? Ramban asks these broader questions. Rashi was content to consider the local problem.  Grossman writes that, for the most part, there are two different approaches that biblical exegetes follow: “One considered only the specific words; the other looked at the broader unit and concentrated on the problems that it raised. Rashi fell within the first category. He interpreted individual words or phrases, only rarely examining the structure and characteristics of the unit as a whole…”
         8. We have just discussed Rashi’s questions. The more important topic is Rashi’s answers. I will address this next week.
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Mitchell First is a Jewish history scholar.  He still does not know what color tie Rashi wore. He can be reached at MFirstAtty@aol.com. For more of his articles, visit his website at rootsandrituals.org. 

Saturday, 4 July 2020

MUSAAR: R Chaim Vital in Happiness

originally posted September 15, 2018

From RRW
"Take the anger and sadness out of your heart because these traits will be obstacles to the light. Make every effort to love the people around you and be happy even when not everything goes as you want."

~ Rav Chaim Vital
 ( Leading scholar of The Arizal )

Sunday, 28 June 2020

Parshah: Hukkat, Great Snakes

 originally posted June 14, 2013

Given: Hashem asked Moshe to make a "S'raf"

Question: Why did Moshe change that and make a "n'chash n'choshet" instead?

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«Why copper?  Why the play on words?  By making it out of NECHOSHES, copper, Moses was emphasizing that the snake on the pole was a NACHASH, a snake defending G-d's honor, rather than a SARAF, a fiery serpent defending the honor of Moses. ...»
CHUKAS (Numbers, 19:1-22:1) — "Tattle-Snakes & Copperheads" | Torah Talk
R' Seplowitz


Best Regards,
RRW

Thursday, 25 June 2020

Rambam's Letter to the Scholars of Lunel- Book Review

From RRW
Guest Blogger: Mitchell First
 
             Book Review: Maimonides’ Grand Epistle to the Scholars of Lunel
       One of the most interesting chapters in the life of Maimonides in Egypt is his correspondence with the Sages of southern France. Why did they write to him? And why did Maimonides take the time from his busy schedule to respond to this community in a Christian land? A new book by Rabbi Charles Sheer, Maimonides’ Grand Epistle to the Scholars of Lunel: Ideology and Rhetoric (2019), focuses on one of Maimonides’ letters to these Sages. It sheds light on these questions and on many other questions regarding Maimonides’ correspondence with them.
        Sheer first traces the background to this correspondence. Maimonides completed his Mishneh Torah (=“MT”) around 1177. But it probably did not reach Southern France before 1193.
          In an undated letter, scholars from this region (e.g., Montpellier, Lunel and other cities in southern France) asked Maimonides for his opinion regarding the status of astrology in Judaism. They were perplexed by contradictory sources regarding its acceptability.
          They had not heard of his MT when they wrote their letter. (The MT had not yet reached southern France.) But they had seen his letter to Yemen (although they were misinformed about the community it was addressed to). They were impressed at the manner in which Maimonides’ letter had handled the several difficult situations that arose at that time, and this inspired them to submit their astrology question to him.
           Maimonides did not respond until 1194 or 1195, which was probably a few years later. He advised that thinking that the stars influence human behavior is stupidity. Of course, he makes clear that studying the motion of the stars and the like is a real science. Maimonides’ response is included in I. Twersky, A Maimonides Reader, pp. 463-473 (“Letter on Astrology”).
             At the end of this letter, he explains what moved him to respond: “Were it not for the fact that Rabbi Phinehas had sent a messenger who pressed [me until I was too] embarrassed [to resist], and who didn’t leave me until I wrote the letter, I would not have responded at this time because I do not have free time.” As Sheer explains, Rabbi Phinehas was a rabbi from southern France who had settled in Alexandria and became a judge. Sheer surmises that R. Phinehas had received an appeal from his former compatriots to intercede on their behalf with Maimonides of Cairo. (R. Phinehas could have quoted from the MT itself and responded on his own to his compatriots. But he chose not to. Maimonides discusses the prohibition on astrology in Hilkhot Avodat Kochavim.)
                 Sheer observes that Maimonides’ important correspondences with the Sages of southern France might never have occurred were it not for the presence of this “French agent” in Egypt!
              Maimonides also writes in the above letter: “It seems clear that the code which we composed…has not reached you….It seems to me that it will reach you before this responsum since it has already reached the island of Sicily…” (As we know from a later letter of Maimonides to the Sages of southern France, when a country received even one copy of his MT, Maimonides was happy.)
             When the scholars of southern France finally obtained the MT, they made an exhaustive study of it and found various places where they disagreed with Maimonides’ decisions. They composed 24 questions which they sent to him.
               It took three more letters and a few years for the exceptionally busy Maimonides to respond. But he eventually answered their 24 questions, and he prefaced his response with a separate letter. This separate letter is the main focus of Sheer’s book.
             This separate letter is intriguing because the first part of it was written in a poetic style, with many quotations and adaptations from Biblical verses. This was not the way that Maimonides typically wrote. In general, Maimonides did not approve of poetical writing. (Sheer devoted a section in his Appendix to Maimonides’ attitude towards poetry.)
              More substantive is the non-poetic section. (The non-poetic section is included in I. Twersky, Introduction to the Code of Maimonides, pp. 39-41.)  Here are some excerpts:
              -  “When your letters and your questions reached me, I was truly overjoyed on account of them…I understood that my words had reached someone who understood their content…All you asked, you asked well…”
             - “I am now sending you a response… The reason why the responses were delayed for a few years was due to my anxiety over my illness and from a multitude of disturbances. I was ill for about a year and although I have now recovered, I am like one who is ill but not in danger. I remain in bed much of the day. The yoke of responsibility for the health care of the gentiles which is upon my shoulders has dissipated my strength. They do not leave me one free hour…”
               -“I am today not like I was in my youth. My strength has become weak…my speech is slow, my hands tremble…Please do not be offended that I arranged for someone else to transcribe my responses [to the questions]…”
               -“I declare…that before I was created in the womb the Torah selected me…[an allusion to Jer. 1:5]. She is… the wife of my youth [Prv. 5:18]…Nonetheless, ‘foreign women’ became her rival-wives…[an allusion to 1 Kings 11:1]…. Initially, they were taken only to be her [assistants]…However, her time…became diminished because my heart was divided in to many parts by so many branches of wisdom [=hokhmah].”
               -“How I labored –day and night- for some ten consecutive years, putting together this composition [=his MT]….Great men like you will understand what I have done since I brought together things that were scattered and dispersed…It is appropriate to search through my words and to check up after me…You scholars have done me a great favor, and so has anyone else who finds something [in error] and informs me..”
                  What Sheer finds most significant is that aside from his excuses of not responding due to illness, disturbances, and taking care of his patients, Maimonides was willing to state that “hokhmah” took up much of his time. This term referred to the study of philosophy, the sciences, and human knowledge. Maimonides explains that these studies were initially undertaken to advance the appreciation of Torah. But with the passing of time, these “foreign women” became co-wives and competitors for his affection. Ultimately, the love of his life, the study of Torah, had to compete with these branches of wisdom.  As Sheer writes, “Maimonides shared with these men his inner torment as he struggled to balance his ideological and scholarly passions…His vivid description of a heart ‘divided into many parts’ by so many fields of knowledge resonates loudly today to anyone so afflicted.”
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         Sheer’s book makes a significant contribution to the study of Maimonides’ correspondence with the Sages of southern France. It is based on up to date research and the footnotes are terrific as well. It was published by Academic Studies Press.
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Mitchell First is an attorney and Jewish history scholar and can be reached at MFirstAtty@aol.com.